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Sunday, May 25, 2014

2014 Politics: Europa/Italia, Pt. 2

Sorry, I have to return to this topic again, with a focus mostly on Italy's participation in the European Parliament elections.

One of the more difficult tasks for understanding Italian culture from the outside is the editorial cartoon. I simply don't get a lot of them--they often involve wordplay on slang, or dialect, terms that are unfamiliar--and many of the ones that I understand I still don't "get".

So, I'm happy to report one I read yesterday in "La Repubblica" that I liked (translated):
Person 1:  The "Grillini"  (n.b., followers of Beppe Grillo, the populist Five-Star Movement) are preparing seriously for the work waiting for them in Europe.
Person 2:  Yeah, they've learned to say "vaffanculo" in 27 different languages!
I have to say that pretty much hits the nail on its head. I went to see a rally for the Cinque Stelle with Beppe the other evening in Milano's Piazza del Duomo.  Let's try some pictures:
The above is the famous Duomo (Cathedral) of Milano--its square is the heart of the city (when there's no soccer game going on, anyway)....
This is a video of Beppe waxing passionate about wages and income, ending with the inevitable "ma va fa in culo".  Hope it works for you (the video transmission, not so much his suggestion).

The rhetoric heated up tremendously in the middle of the week, then cooled substantially.  The rules require one-day without rallies before the elections; also, there were no political ads on TV, except public service ones reminding people what the EU is about and reminding people of the "right, and civic duty" to vote.  Clearly, these are characteristics I wish the US would copy.  I had it a little wrong about the voting days; the requirement was just that countries hold their elections "by May 25"--some of them preferred to do it earlier, or over more days, but in all cases there was a rule not to disclose actual or exit poll results prior to the completion of the voting in all the nations.  Italy's polls will not close until 11 p.m. tonight, so it will be a late one as they watch the results come in and discuss them, no doubt at length.

So, a few words on each of the major parties and issues, my fearless predictions, and then a brief comment on the rather infelicitous choice of the Ukraine to hold its Presidential election today.

Pd (Partito Democratico--allied with the European Socialists and Democrats) - The Democratic Party is the offspring of the Socialists, some of the leftward leaning Christian Democrats and Liberals, and those of the Italian Communist Party who were more committed to reform than revolution, when all those parties collapsed in the early nineties in the great scandal about parties embezzling money from the government.   They--very narrowly--won the most votes in the last elections, which earned them a huge bonus of delegates in Parliament, and they have been trying to justify themselves and their oversized representation in Parliament since then, with limited success.

Matteo Renzi is the leader of the party, and since February, the Prime Minister of the national government. He promised much, and was seen, and portrayed himself, as someone who could lead the country out of its current "crisis", which has taken the form of an economic slump combined with a lack of direction and confidence.   Here is a picture my favorite Italian mag, "L'Espresso", put together when he took over:

The face is his; the reference, of course, is to Napoleon, the Man on the White Horse.  Italy has a soft spot for charismatic leaders, and that's what they thought they were getting when he took over, perhaps because of the sudden nature of his rise to leadership in the party and the Machiavellian nature of his coup to remove the existing Prime Minister (Enrico Letta, also of his party) and move in.  What they are getting is something more Obamaian:  he has only had 80 days, and his argument is that he has accomplished a lot in that short time, but really only has gotten one measure through:  a rebate of 80Euros a month for working people in the lower-middle-class and below. It's true that he has had some headwinds, and that the other parties (besides the two smaller ones in his coalition) haven't cooperated, the 5-Star Movement spectacularly so, but, you know, he should have known it was going to be like that.   He has run a low-key campaign, he has succeeded in bringing in the other leaders of the party to support the party's campaign, and very honorably has refused to trade insults with Grillo and Berlusconi.  This will prove to be the best strategy if he is not humiliated in today's voting; he may want to try to get their support for big changes in the future.

M5S (Movimento Cinque Stelle --non-affiliated) The "Five-Star Movement" is headed by Grillo and his eminence grise, the long-haired introvert Roberto Casaleggio.  The party has risen meteorically in the past three years, from nothing to the verge of being the leading party in the country, and it has ridden on the back and on the hoarse, shouting voice of Grillo.  Grillo is something unique in politics, as far as I can think, a comedian gone big time:  I would say his style is a mix of Lewis Black and Bill Maher (for my American readers); he has put forward some good ideas (particularly about a 21st-century style of politics using websites, blog, etc. as a means of democratic discourse) but they are pretty much drowned out by his provocative public image. The correct way to view his party is as populist, non-ideological, and basically a protest movement centered around his personal popularity as a troublemaker.

There has been some talk in the past week--principally from Berlusconi--comparing Grillo to Stalin, then to Hitler.  The Stalin part came because the M5S expelled a number of members of Parliament from its party (some resigned, some stayed without the party backing) because they objected to the way Grillo rudely treated Renzi when the two had a semi-public "confronto" (which actually just means "meeting") in the early days of Renzi's government.  Basically, the argument which caused them to be expelled (by vote of their active members, on their website) was "get with the program, or leave"--the program being, no cooperation with Renzi, we're going to beat them in this election.

So, in short, that's the aim of M5S today; to finish first in the popular vote (the PD has hedged--they said, pragmatically, that they would call it a victory if they have the most seats in Parliament from the country, which suggests less confidence about the popular vote and more in their consistent showing across the five regional constituencies which will proportionally elect the representatives).  If that happens, Grillo promises to recall President Napolitano (loosely from the PD, who has chosen the last three "unelected" Prime Ministers) and require new elections.  He has no power to do that except, possibly, popular support in the form of mass marches.

So, to get back to the Hitler/Stalin, Grillo broke his longstanding ban on TV talk show appearances for his group to go on the most popular one this week and show that he was not Hitler, not Stalin, that he could talk without yelling (but apparently, still unable to stop to take a breath or drink of water), and discuss, in a fairly reasonable way, his program.  It includes an informal trial (think of "Reconciliation Commission") for all the politicians, journalists, and financiers responsible for this mess, and, if the Europeans don't listen to him, a referendum (whether legal or not) on withdrawal from the Euro.

This last one has gotten him a lot of criticism, justly, for a lack of coherence:  he wants the central bank of Europe to issue bonds on a cross-national basis, but isn't committed to staying in the Euro?  Anyway, a lot of other parties in Italy want these Eurobonds, so it's not original, though it is logical and a very concrete proposal to test Germany's good faith that will be put to the test soon.

FI (Forza Italia, allied with EPP, European Popular Parties) -  This is Silvio Berlusconi's personal political machine.  "Go, Italy!" is how I would translate it.  This is essentially his Last Hurrah campaign--one more time, to stop the Red Peril of the PD (not so much Renzi, whom he likes, but the Communist redistributionist program he is supporting) and the dangerous Grillo (the one of the Hitler/Stalin allusions).  To me, Berlusconi is just about as ridiculous as ever, though he knows how to push the buttons of the Italian people.  His program is totally confusing and confused:  for example, attacking the German banks, though he is politically aligned with Merkel's party.  He has been able to make some hay with his complaint (that he shares with Grillo) about the last three unelected governments; it has come out during the campaign (through Tim Geithner's new book) that there was a bit of a conspiracy to overthrow Berlusconi's last government in 2011, during the crisis of bond prices in the Southern European countries, to put in a government more amenable to fiscal austerity (which conspiracy was, in fact, successful). I think they are starting to realize that his day is past, though, and I expect his party's results to be underwhelming.

Back to Hitler/Stalin/Napoleon for one last moment:  the real allusion that makes sense in the Italian political moment, and I think it applies both to Grillo and to Berlusconi (but not at all to Renzi), is to Mussolini. The surprising thing to me is that I have not heard anyone comment on it, at all.  American readers may be surprised when I say that I think the reason no one says it is because it would be a characterization that would be ambiguous, not wholly detrimental nor wholly positive, so no one really wants to go there. Many Italians feel the country was better governed by Mussolini and the Fascists than those since then, with Benito's real problem being a bad choice of allies and war strategy (I would add, not knowing when he was beaten the first time; if he hadn't come back with the infamous German-run Republic of Salo, he might have survived the war and been making trouble politically, probably indirectly through his contacts, for a long time thereafter.) Basically, Berlusconi's historical role, of which he is very proud, was to stand up to the Red Menace (the united left parties) in the early 90's and defeat them, which he has done repeatedly (though not every time), which was Mussolini's original appeal (once he had left the Socialists, that is). The appeal to national pride, to the Catholic voters, etc.--all of this was a lot like Mussolini's basic appeal to the middle class and above when he struck in the '20's and took power, though of course Berlusconi used the modern means--TV (of which he owns a great deal of the national broadcast spectrum) and money (plenty of that, too).

As for Grillo, it's his style--personal, charismatic, confrontational--that recalls Mussolini, plus his opportunist selection of political stances, his willingness to disregard any law, convention, or cultural norm that stands in his way.  They--Mussolini and Grillo--are both bullies, at heart, though Grillo has taken pains to point out that his movement is, in fact, nonviolent, but if you see him in any verbal exchange, you will see that he doesn't listen to anyone who doesn't agree with him.

NCD (Nuovo Centro Destro, affiliated with the EPP) - This is the group of former Berlusconi supporters which broke with him by supporting the PD governments of Letta and Renzi.  The split was a pragmatic decision and basically finalized about the time that Berlusconi was expelled from the Italian Senate after having been definitively, finally, found guilty of malfeasance with campaign funds (surprisingly, Berlusconi seemed to be having some financial troubles at one point).  It is headed by one of Berlusconi's strongest one-time supporters, Angelino Alfaro of Sicily, the current Minister of the Interior in the Italian government (so he has been well rewarded for his "betrayal" of Berlusconi), who is well-spoken, speaks very positively of  Berlusconi on all occasions (Berlusconi does not return the favor), and has with him some other decent, respectable leading figures of the "center-right", as the party's name indicates.  Theirs is a battle for survival; Berlusconi would like to swallow them back up if this election does not go well (in particular, if they don't get to 4% nationally), which could mean curtains for the Renzi government. On the other hand, if they do suprisingly well, this could accelerate the clearly observable decline in Berlusconi's fortunes and they could end up swallowing Forza Italia in a couple of years.  NCD's program is pretty straightforward:  if you're a moderate, and not of the left, vote for us.

LN (Lega Nord, affiliated with EFD) - The Northern League is devoted exclusively to the interests of Northern Italy; they have played around with secessionist ideas, but mostly to the idea that the North should stop subsidizing the thieves in the South and that there should be less immigration into their part of the country.  Their leadership is recovering still from the loss of Umberto Bossi, their original star, to scandal and stroke (he's still alive, but inactive). In the European Parliamentary elections, they have taken a clear stance for withdrawal from the Euro, and they will ally with the U.K. Independence Party, Marine Le Pen's French National Front (so far, she's officially unaffiliated, but should come around to this group), and other parties strongly opposed to the EU.  Their position on Italy has been a little less clear in this campaign, as they would like to get a few votes from other parts of the country, to help ensure they get past the 4% mark (nationally) required for any representation in the European Parliament:  what I've heard their leaders say this time is that they want "true federalism" in Italy (and I was thinking that "true federalism" was where Europe would be going!)  They still have a lot of support in Lombardia (Bossi's region) in the northwest and Veneto in the northeast, and should secure their 4% fairly safely.

AET (L'altra Europe Lista Tzipras, affiliated with EUL-NGL) This strange bird ("The Other Europe--Tzipras List") is made up of the remnants of a bunch of Italian left-wing parties which refuse to be co-opted by the Social Democrats (PD).  They have chosen to ally themselves very clearly--by name--with Alexis Tzipras, leader of the left-wing Greek Syriza party, and there are a number of other left-wing parties around Europe that are allied. (The European formation name is something like "United Europe of the Left and Nordic Group of the Left", in some language.)  The head of their Italian party is Nikki Vendola, who is close to the Communist unions, is broadly popular among the left, and wears a hoop earring--he has kept an extremely low profile in the campaign, and their spokespersons have mostly been non-Italian.  They have been active in my (college) neighborhood.  Their purity has kept them from a couple of alliances that might have helped them, like the Greens, and it will be close to see whether they make the bar of 4%.

FdI (Fratelli d'Italia, affiliated with the possible EAF group).  EAF is European Alliance for Freedom, which means extreme right-wing parties. Fratelli d'Italia (Italian Brotherhood, maybe?) is the survivor of the MSI, the neo-Fascist group which grew quite strong under the leadership of Gianfranco Fini in the late '90's--early '00's and was included in the Berlusconi governmental alliance. Fini has pulled back from active involvement; they have an eloquent leader, Georgia Meloni, who made herself available to all the talk shows.  It sounds as though FdI wanted an alliance with Lega Nord and Marine Le Pen, but Le Pen was trying to change her positioning and didn't want to be associated with the Fascists.  Their positions are based on some very acute criticism of the prevailing parties and have a nationalist agenda (which is probably a bit more coherent than their rivals from the Lega Nord). They are also on the borderline of the 4% level--I think the LePen snub was also due to a possible expectation that they wouldn't make it.

I think that covers all the lists that have a real chance at 4%.  There are five other lists:  one is the South Tyrolean People's Party, which due to its status as a minority language party is guaranteed one seat.  Next is Green Italy, which is going it alone in the European Parliamentary elections--there is a significant Green caucus, but Italy's is unlikely to be represented in it for lack of votes--really they should ally with the center-left or left in Italian elections.   European Choice (SE- 'Scelta Europea") is composed of three responsible, centrist, minuscule groups which together will draw a minuscule share of votes--they are the ones most directly held responsible for the decision to adhere to the hated Fiscal Compact in 2011 (one of their members, Mario Monti, was Prime Minister at the time) and they will continue to be punished--their name for the elections suggests they recognize their credibility on the national stage is finito.  Italia di Valori (IdV), which correctly translated is Italy of Values, not Italy of Valor, is a party founded by Antonio di Pietro, who was a senior judge who became really angry with the regular parties and founded one that is basically non-ideological and anti-corruption:  How little he seems to understand the Italian political system!  He should find another party that's clean enough and ally with them, but will probably die wandering around in the dark with his flashlight.  Both IdV and SE are allied with the European Liberal Democratic group, ALDE, which means they should get exactly 0 representatives from Italy.  Finally, there is one that is called Io Cambio-MAIE:  when I heard them introduced for their turn in the Press Conference (each party got one-half hour, except M5S which refused it), I heard "Io cambio maglie"--I change shirt--which makes sense, actually. Anyway, Io Cambio ("I Change") is a split-off from Lega Nord, and MAIE is an alliance of Italians who live in South America--they have full right to vote and polling precincts there.

Prediction on Italian popular vote:  PD 31%, M5S 29%, FI 16%, LN 7%, NCD 6%, AET 3%, FdI 3%, Others 5%.
On Italian representation:  PD 26, M5S 23, FI 14, LN 5, NCD 4, South Tyrolean Peoples Party 1.  I am least confident about whether FdI would make the threshold, which would give them probably 3 seats and take them away from some of the leaders' numbers.

European Parliament projections--these might take some days or weeks for the numbers to firm up:  EPP 210, S&D 205, ALDE 57, Left 47, ECR 39, EFD 63 (including National Front), Greens 44, Non-affiliated 91.  Those results would make it very tough for the leaders, EPP, to form a majority without some sort of agreement between with the S&D, or at least with the Greens and some Indpendent types, which would probably include the expected relaxation on fiscal austerity and reduction of Euro-federal bureaucracy.

Ukraine Votes!-- OK, but what's the hurry?  I have the feeling this was a decision by the Euro-oriented faction, to show that they are part and gain solidarity, but they won't get any attention by picking this day.  Instead, the best they can hope for is a clear decision (apparently a respectable oligarch, over the more prominently anti-Russian Julia Timyoshenko), generally peaceful results, and for Russia to back its promise to respect the results.  Lately, President Putin has backed off his aggressive tone, pulled the troops back:  essentially he got what he wanted out of this crisis:  1) more respect from the Ukraine, an acknowledgment of their legitimate interests; 2) to remind them they owe lots of money to Gazprom and better pay it, realizing they have few alternatives; and 3) Crimea, which apparently has some hidden natural gas reserves, probably discovered by Russian submarines snooping around near their base awhile ago.  Oops!  There wasn't much else about Crimea to recommend itself from what I've heard, frankly.

Sunday, May 18, 2014

Political Affairs - four biggest Elections of '14

1) India
The world's largest democratic elections concluded peacefully--that's the real good news.  500 million voters was the number I heard, and the voting process was systematic and results counted reasonably quickly.

Another good piece of news is that the turnover of political control to the opposition will happen quickly and cleanly.  Congress Party leader Rahul Gandhi has already conceded his party's clear defeat by Narendra Modi's BJP opposition coalition--it was pretty massive, really.  Gandhi and his party ran a weak campaign--outgoing Congress Party Prime Minister Manmohan Singh stepping down and no one really stepping up.   Gandhi may be replaced in the future by yet another member of the family, his sister Priyanka, who put him in the shade during the campaign.  Momma Sonia from Italy, who took over the party when her husband, Rahul's father Rajiv, got blown up by Tamil terrorists, may decide if Priyanka's up to the task, as clearly #1 son was not.  We'll get back to Modi in a moment.

Party leader charisma, though important (and a common feature throughout this post), is only part of the story.   India looked for change, and the BJP is the Congress' Party's foil; when Congress fails to live up to its ideals--secular, tolerant, democratic, socialist, generous to the poor, and somehow improving economic conditions in the face of all that solicitude--then the 10-15% of swing voters in India who decide elections switch away.  The fact that India's growth rate has been among the highest in the world the last few years was not convincing to those who remain poor and want more.

Modi is the long-time Chief Minister of Gujarat state; this meant the possibility of increased growth and development to those voters, as Gujarat is the wealthiest and most productive of Indian states (whether Modi had much to do with it is debated, as is his commitment to helping all the people of his state, as opposed to just the wealthy business interests). A lot has been promised, and as long as the growth rate shifts into high gear for a prolonged period, Modi and the BJP can expect to maintain control.  Past history, though, suggests that successfully maintaining a coalition of parties and individuals mostly motivated by opposition to Congress doesn't last too long.

Besides generating economic growth (in my view, always too much to ask of a head of government), Modi will need to keep the society from turning in an ugly direction, and he may be the wrong person for that task. As Gujarat CM, he was accused of negligence--or worse--in the case of 2002 riots in his state in which the response to the killing of a few dozen Hindus attributed to the Muslim community was widespread rioting and the murder of several hundred Muslims.  He was officially exonerated, but his first act as PM will necessarily be that of reassuring India's minorities that they have nothing to fear from the rule of the Hindu nationalists.  To me, that step (saying the right things) is a given; we will have to see how he governs in that regard; part of his constituency is communal support from the militant Hindu community, which will expect him to benefit them specifically.

The Muslim minority (about 10%, or 100 million) seem willing to give Modi a chance if he can deliver the goods.  They are the most downtrodden ones, economically, and in need of a change in the economy and in the social order.   Here is a rather amazing quote from a Muslim shopkeeper who supported the BJP:
Riots don’t matter because they happen all the time,” he said, clutching a lemonade to help cool off in the heat. “What matters is business development — just look at how Modi developed Gujarat. They don’t even have power cuts. He’ll do the same for the country now.
I don't want to take sides in affairs that are not my business, but this gives me some concern.

2) European Parliamentary Elections -
A week from today, all the 28 European Community nations will go to the polls to elect a new European Parliament, in what may be the most important election yet of this hugely deliberative but somewhat insubstantial body.  The reason is that the European Community itself, and the policies it has pursued, has risen to a level of campaign issue almost as great as the local political rivalries that generally predominate. Some 200 million are expected to vote, though turnout may be expected to be relatively low, except when the European elections are combined with some local ones.

A great many parties covering all points of the political spectrum in most of the countries are dissatisfied with Europe, the main themes being the unwillingness to grant further powers to the Brussels bureaucrats and a desire to end the current economic policies--tight money, cuts in national budgets, and entrenched subsidies for the relative few who are perceived to benefit for them.  Thus, the strength in pre-election polls of the leftist Syriza party in Greece,  the U.K. Independence Party, the right-wing National Front in France, the Socialists in Spain and Portugal, and the Five-Star Movement and the Northern League in Italy, all of which are advocating some sort of pullback from the current scheme, and are especially not too fond of that darned Euro thing.

The various national parties have lined up with seven cross-border lists, though the non-affiliated parties may end up being the ones with the largest gains.  Here are the main results I will be watching:
  • The winners in some of the national contests, in particular, in Italy--Matteo Renzi's Democratic Party (S&D) vs. Beppe Grillo's 5-Star Movement (not aligned), with Silvio Berlusconi's Forza italia (EPP) running a distant third--in the U.K. (the Conservatives have split on Europe, with the UKIP perceived as the leaders going in), and in France, in which Marine LePen's National Front (non-affiliated) is favored over the traditional vote leaders, the centrist, formerly-Gaullist parties (EPP) and the Socialists (S&D).   
  • The overall leadership among the lists--each of which is to propose a leader as its candidate for the President of the European Commission.  This will be a close race between the Socialists and Democrats (S&D) and the list with the most current members,  the EPP (European Populist Parties); however, the centrifugal forces are running strongly against these two broad groups of the center-left and the center-right. 
  • The politicking for the Presidency (this is the first time the Parliament will directly elect that position). This will begin with the list with the largest number, which will first try to secure its most natural coalition partner--the S&D plus Greens (G/EFA), or the EPP with the ECD (European Conservatives and Reformists--mostly the U.K. Conservative party and Poland's Conservatives), then try to broaden it with the centrist kingmakers, the Liberal Democrats (ALDE), but even that may not get to a majority. This would leave them stretching to more extremist parties, which could break that fragile coalition--absent a decisive result, or some sort of grand bargain a la Germany, it could take months to resolve. 
  • What will the likely result--end to austerity, easier monetary policy--do to Germany's resolve, leadership in Europe, and its grand domestic coalition between Angela Merkel's Christian Democrats (EPP) and the Social Democratic Party (S&D)?
I will follow up with comments here; I will also be watching the Italian results to see which of the lesser parties--after the three national leaders mentioned above, plus the Northern League, which is a regional force in the populous northern areas--can pass the test of survival as a viable force, i.e. exceeding the 4% minimum for representation. 

I have to give credit to the Wall Street Journal--that's right, WSJ--for its useful graphical presentation of the party alignments and projected outcomes based on polling in each nation.  Their title, "Changing Continent", was bland and stupid (it's not the continent that's changing, it's the politics, the culture, the EU--and what's it changing to?), but I give them credit for doing the spadework. 


 3) The United States 
Not much beyond my previous update in March--the two closest Senate races look to be Arkansas (which I had given up as a don't-care-much-loss for the Democrats) and North Carolina. Louisiana, another critical state with an endangered Democratic incumbent, has polls with results varying all over the map--the result is in doubt for November and could possibly go to a post-November runoff.  If the Democrats lose their seats in Alaska, South Dakota, West Virginia, and Montana, and fail to gain a seat in their two decent shots at a pickup, in Kentucky and Georgia, they will need to win two of those three state races to retain control. The betting (speaking of horse race, Belmont Stakes preview coming soon) is about 2:3 against.

I continue to think that, no matter what happens between now and November, the most likely result for Democratic supporters is eventual disappointment with the turnout and the results, with the possible exception of taking out some big-time jerks like McConnell in Kentucky and Governor Rick Scott in Florida.  The building outrage over campaign spending is nice, but it has taken too much of a partisan turn--Republicans need to be convinced that letting the Koch's and Rove's run their show is a bad idea for them, too.

4) Indonesia
(please excuse any spelling errors--I'm telling you, this isn't easy!)
It's close between the US and Indonesia for the third-largest sized election.  I rank the US above Indonesia here because it had 125 million voters in its 2012 Presidential election vs. 120 million for Indonesia's in 2009, but I have no doubt Indonesia's turnout this year will exceed the Americans' this year (in an off-year for the US, to be fair), but probably in the future, too (due to its higher population growth rate).

Indonesia's politics are a confusing scramble of party acronyms and of leaders with varying charisma, popular appeal, and, perhaps most importantly, the ongoing search for support from the two most powerful non-governmental forces, the military and the national Muslim social organization (the N. Ulaam).  Indonesia had legislative elections last month--which seem to have confused things greatly--and parties are organizing for national Presidential elections in July.  In order to win the Presidency, a candidate needs to end up with over 50% of the vote, or the top two candidates will go to a runoff in September.

Current Indonesian law states that a party needs 20% of the legislative vote, or 25% of the seats, to gain an automatic spot on the Presidential ballot--which means that none of the parties qualified!  Thus, there need to be official coalitions of parties to gain access; this is happening right now and should be finalized in the next week or two.

The leading candidate is Joko Widodo, known as "Jokowi", who is the youthful, lanky governor of Jakarta--one could say he looks somewhat like President Obama, but I want to avoid the birther/citizenship argument, so I won't say it.  Jokowi's party is the PDI-P, headed by former President Megawati Sukarnoputri (daughter of founding father Sukarno), and the PDI-P had the most votes in the legislative election, at 19%, but this was less than expected.  Jokowi will be endorsed by some other parties, and he is expected to name the leader of one of them, Jusuf Kalla, as his running mate (but wait!), which all agree will make a potent candidacy, hard to beat.

The second leading candidate is Prabowo Subianto, of Gerindra, the Great Indonesian Movement Party; his running mate is expected to be Hatta Rajawa, leader of the PAN party. This party has risen in recent years and moved from some 4% in the previous legislative election to around 12% this time, in third place. Prabowo is a former special forces commander, so he is considered a military hero for those who look for that.

After this, it gets really complicated.  The second-place party in the elections was Golkar (14%), the remnant of longtime dictator/former President Suharto's political machine, which broke up after he left power.  It is dominated by a rich dude named Aburizal Bakrie, who is trying to decide whether he will help Jokowi win or try to prevent him from doing so.  At one point, he endorsed Jokowi, but has since decided to try other gambits:  he offered to endorse Jokowi if he were named the running mate, but the leaders of PDI-P seem to think he would be a drag on the ticket.  So he may run, if he can get sufficient backing from other parties. There was talk of an alliance with the Democratic party, the political machine of outgoing President Susilo Bambang Yudhyono (4th place, down sharply from the last election).

The Democratic party had its convention and nominated a guy named Dahlan Iskan, but then had second thoughts, and there is talk of having one of their other candidates, Wiboro, run with Bakrie.  Then there is the party Hanura, run by former military head Wiranto, which will either endorse Jokowi or run with Bakrie.  Or not.   There's also the PKB, the party of former Pres. "Gus Dur" Wahid, which got 9% and hasn't made an endorsement, and three or four more explicitly Islamic parties, which totalled about 30% of the vote and are lining up behind one or more of the major candidates.

To conclude, what it seems is that Jokowi is fairly close to the 40% or so in firm support which would make him a clear favorite, in either the first or second round, and the other major forces--the Suharto heirs, leaders still standing from the somewhat-disgraced Yudhyono administration, the other military dudes, etc.--are trying to decide whether they should let it be, or try to stop him, and try to stop Megawati (who was defeated soundly by Yudhyono in the last Presidential, in 2009) from taking power again.

I refer to two articles in the Jakarta Globe, on May 13 and May 18, which helped me get this far. 


Saturday, May 03, 2014

5 Quick Posts

1)  The Champion of Madrid will be the Champion of Europe
After impressive road wins in the second match of their semifinals, Real Madrid and Atletico Madrid have earned the right to play for the Champions Cup in Lisbon later this month.
Real came to Bayern Munich holding a tenuous 1-0 lead from their home win, but two first-half goals from Sergio Ramos put the game away, and the second half was a rout.  Yeah, Cristiano Ronaldo got a goal--it's all about him, you know.
As for Atletico, they put out my team Chelsea, in London, by a 3-1 score (the first game, in Madrid, was scoreless, for which Chelsea coach Jose Mourinho got all the blame.  He wasn't even playing!--J.K.) Chelsea had about 10 minutes in the first half in which they had the 1-0 lead that Mourinho wanted, but a defensive lapse just before halftime left an Atletico player unmarked at the end line near the goal ("touch line", if you're English), and the centering pass was headed in for a 1-1 halftime tie (advantage to Atletico for its away goal).
Here's where the weakness of this year's Chelsea squad became apparent--forced to the attack, Chelsea was erratic and vulnerable to the counter.  Atletico is like Chelsea's squad in some ways--difficult to attack, skillful on the counter.  The second goal came out of a clumsy foul by one of the many strikers Mourinho tried this year, Samuel Eto'o, and when Diego Costa converted the penalty, Chelsea was unable to counter and ended up losing, 3-1.
I have to root for Atletico in the final:  their history is sort of like Chelsea's--always among the top teams, but never at the very top.  This year was a breakthrough:  along with the Champions League final, they are actually leading in La Liga, narrowly over both Real and Barcelona (the perennial 1-2 teams).  This may be a one-and-done movement, though:  their goalie, Courtois (who made a couple of great stops on Chelsea) actually is under contract to Chelsea and loaned out to Atletico--I think they will want him back.  (Longtime first-string Blues' goalie Petr Cech was seriously injured in the first game, and is probably getting a bit long in the tooth, as well.)  And, Costa, their high-scoring center forward, is also talking about transferring--with Chelsea rumored to be the buyer.
Chelsea's season will end, it seems, with a big whine:  a couple of Mourinho's favored young players are complaining about the playing style (he likes team defense, above all else)--their stays may be cut short this summer.  The Premier League title looks like it will escape Chelsea also, despite a great performance in the climactic game at Liverpool a week ago, because they let slip the game before it, to lowly Sunderland. This transitional year started to show such great promise this spring, but Mourinho might have to rebuild once again.

2) Keystone:  Obama Cops (Kops?) Delay
Just when the pressure on President Obama to make a decision whether to allow the Keystone XL pipeline to transfer the Canadian liquefied tar sands to US refineries was coming to a head, he was granted a temporary reprieve when a judge ruled that a Nebraska protest--that the pipeline could endanger water supplies if it contaminated the aquifer under the pipeline route--needed further study. 
The long-awaited Environmental Impact study ordered by the State Department (which had to rule because of the cross-border pipeline route) had apparently drawn the conclusion that the impact would be slight, because these messy tar sands would be developed one way or the other, though the E.P.A. was still requiring further study.  Now, the decision will surely not come to Obama's desk until after the midterm election.
With no further major elections after that during his Administration, he will be free to Do The Right Thing, but there is reason to doubt what he will decide that would be.  The "jobs" argument for building the pipeline was always weak; the fact that the tar sands will be developed is hard to deny, though the Climate Change asserters would try to do so, by any means at hand. One of the next political fronts will surely be to build more safeguards on the transport by train of the stuff, which is already happening, has already caused some major conflagrations, and is sure to rise to the forefront if Keystone is killed off.   Obama's policy has been, and as far as I know, remains an "all of the above" approach to energy development.  Unfortunately, that puts him on the opposite side most of the time to the movement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, which has a position more like "none of the above".  OK, solar and wind are all right (though solar panels need the messing mining of rare earths, and wind requires high-tech metallurgy for the turbines), but the real problem is their unreliability.  One thing is for sure:  in the dark and freezing will not be politically acceptable, particularly since localized intense winters are now understood to be part of the climate change package we will experience.

3) Isn't It Good, California Chrome? 
A short while ago, the odds-on favorite California Chrome swept to a fairly easy Kentucky Derby win.  It won using a favored technique, for those horses that can do it:  lie a short way off the lead, make a move in the stretch.  It is clearly a good technique because it minimizes the risks of running through a crowded pack in the middle.  For a couple of decades, the Derby has filled all 20 of its spots, those being determined from those who file and are ranked the highest among 3-year-old horses. So, it beats having to go around ten or so to get to the front, while being the front-runner in the early going rarely pays off, as some speedy horses take that role and that almost inevitably fall back.
C.Chrome's win was so easy that the field for the next race in the Triple Crown, the Preakness, will probably be a whole lot smaller. Lots of owners like to have their horses run in the Derby, just in case, and because it's an honor.  After that, economics takes over, as the filing fees for these big races are high.  There will be a cry for a comparably dominant 3-year-old filly, Untapable, to come out and meet California C. in the second.  Then it's the long, long slog of the Belmont; presumably California Chrome will have to go for it if he wins the Preakness, but we've had a long history of horses unable to win the 1 1/2 miler after winning the first two.
C.C. is the fifth favorite to win since the year 2000.  Before that, there had been a period of 20 years in which the betting favorite did not win.

4) Death Penalty Fail--Put It Down for Good
All right, one could say that the Oklahoma execution the past week was successful--the condemned man did die, though it was from a heart attack after the botched lethal injection caused his vein to explode. It wasn't the way it was supposed to go, though.  This appears to have been a case of unintended consequences in more than one way; the US medical association has decided that assisting this procedure violates the Hippocratic oath, so apparently it falls to the incompetent to try to perform this complicated terminal anesthesia.
The electric chair, of course, is no better; too many have fried rather than being electrocuted, which was supposed to be the result of its use.  Of course, the history of hanging is a series of unfortunate events:  remember when Saddam Hussein's head popped off?  And of course there are all those cases of innocent, or retarded, or underage criminals being killed by deficient state judicial systems.
I think it's time to  acknowledge that our state courts should no longer be allowed to perform judicial murder, mostly because they have shown a lack of competence, from delineating the appropriate crimes, to giving proper defense, all the way to executing the damned thing. It should be a very rare punishment--maybe one or two a year--for certain, very specific crimes that should be made federal ones:  killing a correction guard as a prisoner, the most heinous interstate serial killers (like Ted Bundy), and mass-murdering terrorists (Oklahoma City, and 9/11's K.S. Muhammad, if they ever can convict him, which I doubt).  I think we should come full circle and bring back the firing squad for these (as was the method for the first killed in the current legalized murder spree, Gary Gilmore, though those who kill so they can be executed shouldn't be granted the privilege).  12 trained gunmen, four with blanks--if they can't find 12 willing to do it, then they should cancel it.

5) Bob Hoskins - the (English) People's Actor
Hoskins died this week; he had retired a short while ago because of advancing Parkinson's disease.
He was nicknamed the Cockney Cagney; I think it was because he played in a lot of English heist movies as a gangster.  He had great range, though; he played J.Edgar Hoover (in "Nixon") and Nikita Khrushchev (in "Enemy at the Gates"--how many others ever played that role?)  I do remember the one role for which he was nominated for an Oscar, in "Mona Lisa".  It was a complex role, containing some of the usual Hoskins elements--tough guy, with a heart of gold.   And he was great in comedic roles, too: who can ever forget his role as a detective trying to solve the case in "Who Framed Roger Rabbit?"
I always thought he was the person on whom Martin Amis based his main character in one of his best-selling novels, "Money" (though I don't think that book ever was made into a movie--too bad).  He was, without a doubt, the go-to guy when Hollywood (or Pinewood Studios) needed a working-class Englishman (who wasn't Michael Caine, playing Michael Caine).

Sunday, April 27, 2014

I Papisanti

Today was a good day for the Roman Catholic church:  the rain held off until after the conclusion of the mass celebrating the canonization of two new saints:  Saint John 23rd and Saint John Paul 2nd. I watched the mass on RAI1--the national network's #1 channel was given over entirely to the event, with minimal or no commercial interruptions, for several hours (would that they would do that for some of the major sporting events--a whine for another time).  I am, of course, no believer--never baptized in any religion--but I follow the affairs of the R.C. church as I might any other institution with global impact and significance.  That is to say, with due respect but no reverence, some ironic distance, and with major regard toward any possible contribution to progress toward a better life for most or all of us.

"Papisanti" is the name given by the Italian press for the occasion, meaning Pope/Saints.  There are certainly plenty of them; and it was the sound judgment of Those in Charge to promote these two from recognition of them as "Blessed" (Beato) to "Saint" status.  I would recognize those two, plus the current Pope Francis, as being the pillars of the R.C.'s best effort to remain relevant in the 21st Century.   Two steps forward, one-and-a-half back would be my description of the Church's march toward the present, and through the policies of the three of them, the following characteristics have emerged:

  • An opening toward fellow believers of all kinds, and good relations with other institutions of religion, especially Christian ones (started by Pope John XXIII); 
  • Continued hard line on topics like contraception, abortion, women as priests, celibacy; 
  • Significant efforts to broaden the number of Cardinals (and one step above--selecting the Popes themselves) from beyond Italy, in particular, and Western Europe/North America (starting with Pope John Paul II); 
  • Some tentative efforts to reform the inner workings and financial dealings of the Vatican (started by Pope Francis, after a failed attempt by Pope John Paul II's predecessor, the short-lived--and, in Italy, universally believed to have been poisoned by diabolical Vatican intriguers--John Paul I).  
I would add one more initiative by the previous Pope, Benedict the whatever--probably his only one--which is to allow the Pope to consider retiring before he dies as a drooling invalid.  I hope Pope Francis will consider following that precedent, if the circumstances arise.

Miracles and Sanctification
The Church declares that the saints are, unambiguously, in the Kingdom of Heaven, so the process leading to canonization is one that it is time-tested:  exacting, conservative (in the sense of being slow to accept change), and, as far as I know, irreversible.  The rules dictate one verifiable miracle--evidence of Holy Grace being exercised through these mortal vessels--to become Blessed, and a second to take that next step up to sainthood (though see below).  They have people who go to the source of the alleged miracle and audit its veracity, though first-hand accounts, examination of medical records (most often in modern days the form of the miracle is a recovery from a fatal or debilitation illness attributed to prayer and not medical science);   some account of unearthly light seems to help corroborate the story.

Pope John Paul II (also once known as Cardinal Wojtyla of Cracow) had a couple of these credited and verified; this helps explain his unusually rapid ascension. Neither of them was his recovery from the attempted assassination in the streets of Rome, nor his role in the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact, the liberation of Eastern Europe, and the end of the (first) Cold War.  His level of contribution to the last group, sometimes referred to as the "annus mirabilis" the miraculous year of 1989, I would call extremely prominent, at the second-highest level, the level of Lech Walesa or Vaclav Havel, just below that of the "miraculous" actions, even if he did not know it at the time, of Mikhail Gorbachev, and significantly above the contributions of the American heroes, George H.W. Bush and Ronald Reagan.

As for Pope John XXIII, his canonization was carefully considered and approved, despite apparently having only one miracle officially on his record.  (There were several pages of "really good stuff" that accompanied the final document and provided sufficient justification for his final approval.)  Clearly he presents a great example as a humble individual (yes, Italian!) who rose through his devotion to wear "The Shoes of the Fisherman" (remember Anthony Quinn in the movie role, based at least a little, on the career of Cardinal Roncalli, the future John XXIII?), and then, moreover, to accomplish something significant once he got there. The whole point of the saint thing in the Roman Catholic theology is that it is possible for a devout believer to get to Heaven, that there are some well-documented examples, and that these are "people like you and me, only a little different", and that those differences are their degree of devotion and the holy Light that shone down ultimately upon them.

Next up--one could bet upon it, though there is enough doubt to make it a bettable proposition, let alone when it might happen--will be a final determination of the title of saint for Mother Theresa.  She has been beatified, but, like John XXIII, she has only one official miracle to her name (but countless other amazing accomplishments).  The fact that she is not a Pope makes it a little harder, but she was a good Roman Catholic (of Albanian origin), despite many tribulations in her personal belief, and always publicly toed the official line on the controversial stuff.  Because I think the logical next step would be a saint who was not a Pope, nor ever a member of the Vatican hierarchy (there is more than one route to Heaven!), I think that she will make it in, though there are some who criticize the way her ministry used its funds:  I find it hard to believe the Vatican will let that get in the way, if the politics are right.

Finally, I should comment on the recent visit to the Vatican of the new Ukrainian P.M.  I don't know his religion, but I did some investigation and found these to be the percentage of Ukrainians who self-identified their religion as:
Ukrainian Orthodox - Moscow Patriarchate - 25.9%
Ukrainian Orthodox - Kiev Patriarchate - 31.1%
Ukrainian Greek Catholic - 8.5%
Roman Catholic - 1.1%
Armenian Catholic - 1.7%
Protestant - 1.0%
Muslim - 0.2%
No affiliation/non-religious/other/No Answer - 40.8%
(Ukrainian Sociological Service, 2011)

A couple of comments, then I will conclude:  clearly the Orthodox religion is predominant, but with a split between those who acknowledge the Russian supremacy (it was re-established by Stalin, and has a formal position more than a practical one) and those who prefer the homegrown variety.  Still, there is some analogue between the religious split and the linguistic/cultural/political one.  The Greek Catholic and Armenian Catholic are not the Greek Orthodox; the Roman Catholics are reported to be mostly near the Polish border.  And, last, somehow the percentages add up to about 110%, so there may be as much confusion about this in their minds as there is in mine.

Anyway, I would conclude that the Ukrainian P.M.'s visit to the Vatican would probably be in the ecumenical spirit, and looking for Papal endorsement of peace, rather than as a devotee of the R.C.  looking for blessing for some kind of holy war.  One would hope.

Monday, April 21, 2014

Gabriel Garcia Marquez

I need to acknowledge the career, and the death, of Colombian novelist and Nobel prizewinnerGarcia Marquez over the weekend, in Mexico City.  His work defines the use of the word "fabulous"--in both the literal sense and in its common usage (like, "awesome").

He burst on the global scene with "100 Years of Solitude" in 1967, though he was already a well-respected figure in local literary circles.  It created a whole new vista for the novel--the lives, and the culture, of South America--and a style of storytelling which combined passion, politics, and, above all, memory, both real and invented.

Garcia Marquez drew from his own experience growing up in a remote (at least, to us) part of Colombia, in the town with the musical name of Aracataca (say that out loud), which provided the basis for his fictional hometown of Macondo--a name that will live on forever in the annals of literature.  His family had direct experience with the endless wars of local secession/autonomy in his part of the country, which he drew heavily upon in "100 Years".  The remoteness of the region is not wholly my imagination, though; it is a part of the meaning of the "solitude"of the title (but not all of it!)

Besides "100 Years", I enjoyed "The Autumn of the Patriarch"--which is basically about the Peronist/Bolivarian mindset of the military/political rulers of the region, and--best of all--"Love in the Time of Cholera", which I think perfected the expression of his style.

I read him in English (although I've seen his work in Spanish--it's hardly impossible, though it contains a lot of vocabulary that will be unfamiliar), so I have to credit also his translators, Gregory Rabassa (for "100 Years") and Edith Grossman (for the later works)--they clearly knew how to present the rhythm and the beauty of his work.

Garcia Marquez wrote about rebellion in Colombia, and it was all too present continuing through his lifetime (and even until today).  This, and the fact that his fame made it possible, probably explains his expatriate status for the last 20 years or more--it was probably not safe personally for him to remain.  He was able to lend his fame to the support of progressive leaders in the region, and to Fidel Castro, too. He was truly a man of the people who achieved greatness.

Sunday, April 13, 2014

Spring Sports P(Re)-View, Pt. 2

General Apology/Aggiornamento*

I apologize to you, loyal reader, if I have been remiss:  no postings in some three weeks; however, I look at the last postings and current status and find very little to report that had not already been discussed before:

o)  The Ukrainians still are reacting to Russian facts on the ground, while the US has not been able to keep its mitts off the confrontation, and Europe still hesitates to take on the Bear. (Today's move by the Ukrainians to round up and arrest some of the provocateurs in its Eastern area may be a welcome change:  rule #1 of governing is to have undisputed control of one's territory.  If they can arrest and get a few of the Russians to admit their ID's and mission, it could leave the Russians behind events, though they will surely try to make up for it with brute force.)

o)  The NBA is almost ready for the playoffs, and we still don't know the last team out in the West, the #3, #4, and #5 teams in the East, or for that matter the #1 and #2 teams--maybe the last two items are connected.  I would not accuse the Heat of tanking games, but I would accuse them of dogging it; in the game after they dominated the Pacers to take control of the #1 spot, they gave it up with a lackluster performance against a motivated #8 team.  I will attach some playoff-previewing comments later this week when the seeds are finalized.

As for those teams that were tanking to try to have the worst record, they deserve to waste a top lottery pick on somebody who breaks down, which is quite possible for some of the highest-touted one-and-dones. I see Jabari Parker as probably the greatest prize of this year's draft--he'll probably go around third, and to who-knows-whom at this point.  That's one good thing about the NBA draft, one that they'll probably get rid of:  the uncertainty of the relationship between standings position and draft order (there's a probability, but not a certainty).

o)  The NCAA was about what I thought, except moreso.  The regular season is about getting ready for the tourney and having the right frame of mind to compete, even with the inevitable injuries. Kentucky--who I touted, but had decried their exceedingly difficult path and low seeding--exceeded even my expectations with their come-from-behind win over Louisville, which vaulted them all the way to the final.  Connecticut, battle-hardened with nonconference tests and playing in the underrated cast-off conference (the new A.A.S.) after being deserted by the departures and reconfiguration of the old Big East, exceeded my wildest expectations when they defeated Michigan State, then Florida, then Kentucky.  Hats off to them Huskies!

o) The minimum wage is still stuck where it was:  the progressives holding with the arbitrary $10.10 amount, without ever explaining it (except to say "it should be $15"); giving the Republicans a good reason to duck the issue rather than getting engaged and negotiating the right level of increase (which is what Obama wanted to spur, but was unsuccessful in doing).

o) Not much new to report on the election front, either:  some ups, some downs, lots of money spent uselessly, even more appeals for money based on whatever is the day's storyline.

Still, I promised a baseball preview and some commentary on the soccer season coming to its climax.

Official Somewhat Belated Baseball Preview

Baseball, of course, started already; a couple weeks ago, if you don't count the publicity stunt games in Australia (I don't, MLB does).  It's too late for a proper season preview, but the text below was put out on what I consider a timely basis in my chat group ("bballgroup2" on Yahoo!, send me a note if you want in):

Officially, no one is late until the Reds-Cardinals game gets started tomorrow.  I do resent the Dodgers' three-game head start.
I cannot pick the Reds, much as I would like to:  their preparation for the season was revealed to be fatally weak when the line drive hit AChapman the other day.  Meanwhile, the Cards are better than last year, and I have no belief in the Pirates' rotation.  Finally, I surrender to the A's; I'm tired of being let down year after year by the Angels and Rangers.
Injuries seem to dominate the news this spring.
NLEast - (someone has to win): Washington, Philadelphia, Atlanta, New York, Miami
NL Central -   St.Louis, Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, Milwaukee, Chicago
NL West - LA Dogs, San Diego, San Francisco, Arizona, Colorado
AL East (someone has to finish last) - Tampa Bay, New York, Baltimore, Boston, Toronto
AL Central - Detroit, Kansas City, Cleveland, Chicago, Minnesota
AL West - Oakland, Los Angeles de Anaheim, Texas, Seattle, Houston
Wild Cards:  San diego, San Francisco; New York, Kansas City.
World SeriesDodgers defeat YankeesMoney rules!
With teams having played 9-12 games of the regular season (5-7%), I see no reason to modify anything (yes, there are more injuries, mostly reinforcing the weaknesses already seen with some of the teams).  Only a couple of teams have broken from the pack, in one direction or other, and I don't really think those trends (like Milwaukee Brewer dominance) are likely to continue.

(Just plain-) Football News
In European club soccer, England's Premier League is enjoying its most exciting season in memory, thanks to the absence of a truly dominating team, and helped mightily by the decline of Manchester United.  My team, Chelsea, has kept itself in the running of what is shaping up as a down-to-the-wire three-way race (with Liverpool, Manchester City).  Today's game with Man City at Liverpool will establish a front-runner (Man City, unless Liverpool wins), then Liverpool's game with Chelsea in two weeks will be our last chance to stay in it.

In the Champions League, Chelsea has made a run to the final four reminiscent of what they did two years ago:  never dominant, scrappy, refusing to say die.  They are viewed as the weakest team of the four remaining, but I like their chance to come up with something to frustrate the hot team of the moment, Atletico Madrid, which has shocked everyone this year by taking control of the Spanish Liga standings, but doesn't have the high-profile European pedigree of the other teams.  If Chelsea should get by them, they will either face Bayern Munich (as with 2012) or Real Madrid (which may be without Cristiano Ronaldo); they would be major underdogs in either case, which is just the way we (and I mean Mourinho) like it.

I'm hoping to catch a couple games here in Italy before the season ends, ones that should matter (in terms of the league, Juventus has it all but wrapped up and is concentrating on trying to win the Europa Cup, of all things)--Inter-Napoli in the San Siro late this month, Fiorentina-Napoli in the TIM Cup final in Rome in early May.  Yeah, I know, but it's been over ten years and I need my decade-ly fix of Italian live soccer.

Don't have too much to say about the World Cup that I didn't say before, except that it's coming up fast: Hope you're ready, Brasil--No pressure, but...The whole world's watching!

So, the other post that I owe everyone is the European Parliamentary election preview, but don't hold your breath--the voting isn't until late May, and the campaign's really just starting.

*Aggiornamento-"update", in Italian.  Literally, would mean "bringing to today".  Had to throw in a little italiano.

Thursday, March 20, 2014

Spring Sports View: (Re- and Pre-) - Pt. 1

We have a variety of topics to cover here, but a hard-and-fast deadline:  the NCAA tournament (the real part, after the play-in games) begins in a couple of hours.  Our ethics don't permit us to post "predictions" after the event has occurred, so that piece has to get out.  So, I will split the spring sports post into two parts, with the second focusing on baseball and soccer.

There's a lot of noise in the sports pages about football (which I will refer to as "American football" in the future, so as not to confuse my international readership).  This is not football season, so I will only make this comment:  the NFL owners act as though they are horse breeders:  inordinate pride of ownership (it's the horses doing the work), possessions that they can freely trade, send to the glue factory, or cosset like prized stallions (the "franchise tag").  Maybe it's more like in the middle ages, when they would prepare their cavalry charges to get armored and quite possibly slain in battle. I feel sorry for the people who play football at the highest level:  they love the game, but they are treated like chattel--disposable, at that.  It's becoming apparent that the several hundred million buyout proposal the league made for the concussed players was a lowball bid.

College Basketball (mostly Men's)
The great gem of college-level American sports is the March/April basketball tournament--the men's, but also the women's (which has largely the same format).  Single-elimination and a deep tournament field (the men's has now expanded to 68 teams) provides for great drama, and lots of it, over a three-week period.  It has gone down just to 64 teams today, but will go to 32 before Saturday, and to 16 after this weekend. So, now's the time to make predictions, though I will follow up with a couple of comments after 76% or so of the teams have been eliminated to validate the quality of my predictions for the first two rounds (I don't buy that the round of 64 is the "Second Round"--nice try, NCAA).

The Committee which finalizes the at-large invitations (about half the field, with the other half earning their spots through winning their conference tournaments, or in the case of the Ivy League, its regular season title--I think they are the only ones) and the seeding for the brackets has a complex and difficult job to do. Generally everyone defers to the Committee's judgment in the end, though there is a lot of huffing and puffing about the last ones in, the first ones out--the borderline of invitation is about team #45 in the rankings (depending on how many conference favorites win their tournaments)--this is so much better than any other sporting event that I don't have too many qualms about that, and those that don't quite make the cut shouldn't, either. Many factors are carefully considered--key wins, bad losses, strength of non-conference schedule, strength of conference, and recent performance.

It's this last one, though, that I think was not properly considered this year in the seedings and bracket assignments.  I will accuse them of being lazy--they had more-or-less figured it all out before the last weekend, with a couple of contingencies built in--and they didn't make all the right adjustments.  So, for example, they needed a fourth #1 seed (after Florida, Wichita St., and Arizona--the first two were clearly the stars of the regular season, while the latter had their spot locked up through strong conference play and a tough non-conference schedule, so their loss in the tourney final was discounted.  That's OK, I think, though we all know teams from the Pac-12--or whatever they call themselves these days, I don't think they have 12 teams but that doesn't matter, as we know--we all know that Pac-12 teams haven't distinguished themselves much in the men's NCAA tournament since John Wooden left UCLA about 30 years ago).   The Committee had penciled in for the fourth #1 something like "winner of a tournament:  Big East, ACC, Big 10, or Big 8--or Big 12,  or whatever that prairie-state conference which now includes West Virginia is called", but not just any winner:  the possible choices were, respectively, Villanova, Virginia, Wisconsin, or Kansas.  As it turned out, Virginia won, the other three got eliminated early, so Virginia got the #1.  OK, but I question the #2 for two of the other three given their late-season fades (Wisconsin earned theirs, but its history in the NCAA--see Pac-12 above....)

Syracuse's fade was so bad and so obvious--they went from 25-0 to finish the pre-NCAA at 27-5--that it couldn't be ignored in their seedings:  they saw that one coming and took the right actions (a #3).  A couple of teams that look really dangerous, on the other hand, didn't really get rewarded for their late-season form:  Louisville (won both a tough conference and their tourney, but got only a #4), Kentucky (overrated early, with a squad full of freshmen, they are rounding into form late and almost took out national #1 Florida in the tourney final, which would likely have wreaked havoc on the brackets--as it is they should have better than a #8), and my pet peeve, New Mexico.  The Lobos have a very dangerous squad and battled (#4 seed) San Diego State to the end for the conference title, then beat them in the tourney, but got a #7 and tough matchups (Stanford in the first round, potentially Kansas in the next).  One of my top rooting interests is for New Mexico to last longer than UCLA (#4, in the same regional)--Steve Alford deserted UNM to go to UCLA for more money.  Both, though, are in a tough bracket--the South, with Florida as #1.  New Mexico, to be fair, has a history of performing well going into the tourney and going out early, and the most probable outcome is something similar (but I'm going contrarian and picking them to beat Kansas in a significant second-round upset).

The big beef is that the brackets are lopsided, with two very tough ones full of strong finishers with proven NCAA credentials and two with fairly lame contenders.  The tough ones are the South--with Florida, Syracuse, Kansas, and UCLA as seeds and strong lower-seeds like VCU, Ohio St., New Mexico, and Stanford) and the ridiculously packed Midwest (besides Wichita St. and their difficult second-round opponent, Kentucky or Kansas St., there are Michigan, Duke, St. Louis, Arizona St., and--Louisville, the defending national champion, a team I would rate in the top 5 nationally going into the tournament).  Clearly, they wanted to pose a challenge to Wichita St., which is 34-0 and was basically untested during the season, but I think they went too far.

In the two weak brackets, there's the East (Virginia's), which has an obvious choice in perennial tourney over-performer Michigan State (President Obama's choice for national champion--the Spartans showed themselves in form by cruising to the Big 10 tourney championship); and the West (Arizona's), which is wide open with no proven tourney teams or world-beaters and a lot of pretty-good ones.  I'm leaning toward the sentimental favorite, Creighton (now moved up into the Big East--geography note:  Creighton is in Nebraska, but the vacuum of all the teams leaving the conference left a nice spot for it), with its All-American Doug McDermott, though I could see good arguments for Wisconsin or Arizona.  The point is, someone will win the bracket, there will be lots of good first- and second-round games, and the NCAA Committee will seem to be vindicated, though the fact that there will be two great, proven teams and two that slipped through into the Final Four will not be viewed as a weakness but as a validation of the "democratic" nature of the tourney.  It is, mostly, fair, but not without some blemishes this year--ones which probably only enhance the telegenic nature of the early round coverage, which arguably is what really matters.

NBA
We are heading toward the end of the regular season, and there is some jockeying for position but the outlook is fairly clear.  As always, there is a hole at the bottom of the East, and some team will get into the playoffs with a winning percentage around 40%--but they will get the #1 team, either Indiana or Miami, for their troubles, and a quick exit. It would also be important not to finish #7 and get the other one of those two.  There is a close contest for positions 3,4, and 5 in the East (Toronto, Brooklyn, and Chicago), but it probably doesn't matter so much--a competitive first-round match awaits 4 and 5, while any of the three can only look forward to a beatdown from numbers 1 and 2, one would presume.  I do think that Brooklyn has the capability to pull off a surprise, though; they started poorly but have come on strong.

In the West, it's the usual:  a lot of good teams, but two standout playoff performers (San Antonio and Oklahoma City) sit at the top and should be expected to make the Conference finals.  The wild card is the LA Clippers, which have been erratic but are capable of beating everyone when their core--Chris Paul and Blake Griffin--is healthy and productive.  There is a close contest for the #7 and #8 spots between three teams (Memphis, Phoenix, and Dallas), but the two winners get only some bragging rights and a really tough first-round matchup.

The expected Conference finals are Miami-Indiana and San Antonio-Oklahoma City, with Miami and San Antonio having the track record to make them favorites for the finals.  I believe in those probabilities (maybe 20% of one of 7-8 other teams making one of the final spots, maybe 2% that two of them don't), but I'm not ready to make a prediction for the NBA Championship opponents or winner just yet--I want to see their playoff form (are the Big 3 all healthy for the Spurs?  Dwayne Wade for the Heat?)






Sunday, March 09, 2014

Three-Ring Circus in the US: the 2014 Elections Preview

This Tuesday the 2014 elections begin, in a way that actually counts.  I have already received several hundred emails this year--I would guess,  I certainly haven't counted, and they don't stay around long--asking me for money because of this or that deadline, from a couple of dozen people running for Congress (House or Senate) and from twenty or so various political organizations--just counting those specifically referring to the 2014 elections.*

For Openers: 
I am saving my funds until later, with one exception.  That is the special election next week to choose the new Representative in Florida's 13th House district (to fill the seat of  Republican Bill Young, recently deceased).  These "by-elections" get way too much attention and are considered much more significant than they usually are, but this one, though of course for only one House seat, is an unusually important one.  I say this for the following reasons:
1)  This is a swing district in a critical swing state--it's Pinellas County (Tampa and some neighboring areas), some of the most vote-rich precincts along the critical "I-4 corridor" which usually decides the close statewide elections.
2)  This "buy-election"  is the test battleground to try out the weapons to be used nationwide in November (Democratic grassroots donations, Koch Bros.-based money dumps), or, if you like the circus metaphor of my title, this is the initial parade of the performing organizations which will be looking to get our attention later, so they can try out a couple of their tricks and see if the crowd applauds.
3)  The Democrats' candidate is well-known--Alex Sink, former state Treasurer and "the woman who lost the election to Rick Scott" for governor of Florida.  She is taking on a Tea Party-backed lobbyist named Mike Jolly.   If the Democrats have any hope of picking up the net 17 seats they need to get control of the House back, the feeling is that they better start here, where they have a real chance. 
The tone of the appeals for money (both from her and for other groups looking to provide her support, or to provide "candidates like her" with support) has been fairly desperate. At this point in the campaign it's not about building organization, it's about flooding the market with TV ads. I've had too much of that, though I do buy into the arguments for the significance of this particular early showdown, so I'm giving some here.

Is it conceivable that this will be the pattern for the whole nation, spending uncounted millions and hounding loyalists into madness with incessant, nagging appeals for money and focus group-tested ads?  I predict the answer, this year, will be:  "Yes, sort of."   In high-profile contests in which the polls say the races are tight, the volume will be high and the frequency higher, but there will be many races in which probable victory will reduce the money arms race.  I expect the major political organizations to spend strategically, and I recommend that the thinking political contributor do so, too.

I will go into each of the three Rings of Power and provide some analysis; after that, I promise to ignore them in this blog (follow-ups will go into comments on this one) for six months or so.  I hope that formula pleases.

First Ring:  The Senate
It's becoming apparent that this is the most critical battlefront this year.  The Democrats could lose a lot politically by failing to retain control of a majority, and they have a great many seats to defend (it will be the reverse in 2016); worse, retirements have accentuated some major vulnerabilities for the Democrats.  They can afford a net of -5 and still retain majority control (in a world of perfect party-line voting; we're not there yet but well on our way).  Here are the most important races, with some oversimplified handicapping to indicate the degree of the challenge:

Probable Dem Losers:  WV (open--formerly Jay Rockefeller), ARK (Pryor), SD (open--Tim Johnson)
Quite Likely Dem Losers:  AK (Begich), MT (Walsh appointed to replace Baucus)
Quite Possible Dem Losers:  NC (Hagan), LA (Landrieu)
Dems Better-Not Lose:  MN (Franken), IA (open-Tom Harkin), NH (Shaheen), MI (open--Carl Levin), HI (Schatz appointed to replace Daniel Inouye), CO/NM (the Udalls)
Possible Dem Pickups:  KY (McConnell), GA (open-Saxby Chambliss)

I hope that it is very clear that losing five seats will be the easy part for the Democrats. All those states in the first two categories are ones that have been voting decisively for Republicans in Presidential elections.  The Democratic incumbents'/candidates' only hope is to dissociate themselves from the national party and keep a low profile, hoping they won't be blasted for supporting national party positions in the past.  With incumbents Pryor and Begich, there is little of that in their voting history, but also little reason in it for me to care whether they win or lose. I swore, after their vote on background checks for guns, not to give them my support, directly or indirectly, unless they did something substantial to compensate for that damning vote--they have not done so.

Montana may be a different case:   Max Baucus and Jon Tester have been able to run the gauntlet described above to win Senatorial elections, showing a possible path to victory.  Obama lost the state in both Presidential elections, but not by a huge margin (which he did in the other four), and it has a Democratic governor, Steve Bullock.  Bullock last month appointed his 2012 running mate, Lt. Gov. John Walsh, to the seat on an interim basis (Baucus resigned to become Ambassador to China), giving the Democrats an "incumbent", albeit one not elected to the position.  Walsh has moved forcefully forward, making national appeals for money and issuing a strong statement after this week's (failed) cloture vote on Sen. Gillibrand's proposed legislation to remove military cases with rape allegations from the usual handling through the chain of command.  Walsh came out in favor of Gillibrand's proposal and cited his experience as a military commander (one who had his difficulties with the military bureaucracy).  It may be difficult to hold the seat--Walsh's opponent will be the well-financed at-large Representative (Montana has only one), Steve Daines--but it should at least be a competitive race with something meaningful at stake.

The next category holds two incumbent Democratic Senators, women who have moved fairly boldly to take votes in favor of national party positions in the past couple of years--those votes could put them at risk, in states that voted Republican in the 2012 Presidential election (NC went very narrowly for Obama in 2008), and the big money will be brought out against them in the search for that critical sixth pickup.  Also, it will be brought out for them, assuming they remain competitive, by their national party organizations. These can be expected to be critical, high-stakes, high-spending contests, and Kay Hagan and Mary Landrieu deserve our support.

Next is a large set of Senate seats which are either currently held by Democrats or have long been held by them; under the circumstances, the Democrats cannot afford to lose any of them. (Actually, there are more than those seven in that category, but I selected the ones in which I thought there was a significant danger.)  I think Al Franken in MN, Jeanne Shaheen in NH, and the two Udalls (Mark and Tom, in CO and NM) are all strong and popular in their states and will be able to turn back concerted Republican efforts (even if Shaheen's opponent is the carpetbagging Scott Brown, the former MA Senator), but there is also the danger that having to spend resources to do that will reduce the national party's efforts in the three critical contests of MT, NC, and LA.

The ones which would cause more concern are MI, in which the Republicans have made recent gains with their Gov. Snyder and an anti-Detroit approach which has been popular in the rest of the state; IA, which is split evenly between the parties, but has a good candidate in Rep. Bruce Braley, who is running as a younger version of popular, retiring Sen. Harkins; and HI, which votes somewhat reliably Democratic in statewide elections except when there is a split--and, unfortunately, there is a split.  Sen. Inouye, shortly before dying, had reportedly suggested that Gov. Abercrombie appoint Rep. Colleen Hanabusa to his seat, but Abercrombie did not do so, instead appointing state Atty. Gen. Brian Schatz.  Schatz and Hanabusa are running against each other in a fairly heated primary contest, with a lot of people and organizations taking sides;  when the primary ends (August 9), it will be essential for the Democrats to close ranks behind the winner.  In the meantime, my advice is for the rest of us to stay out of it, as either would be a reasonable Democratic Senator.

Finally, there are two--and only two--states which have Republican Senators and competitive races.  A pickup would be huge under the circumstances, and the races in these states are worth a look, even if the odds are unfavorable.  First is Georgia, a state which the Democrats have targeted as a long-term target to turn-- "purple, if not blue".  They have a strong candidate--Michelle Nunn, former CEO of a non-profit and daughter of longtime moderate Democratic Senator Sam Nunn--and a fair shot at an open seat, while the Republicans are in the middle of a protracted food fight with at least four candidates battling on the right side of the teeter-totter.

The other challenged Republican-held Senate seat is Kentucky's:  Kentuckians tend strongly Republican in national elections, but Democratic in state elections.  As this is a Federal election, one would think the Republicans have a strong advantage and the incumbent is the powerful Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, but McConnell is not as popular in Kentucky as one might think, nor is he perceived as having brought home the benefit one might expect from such a powerful position (the two facts may describe the same thing).  The Democrats have an appealing candidate, Alison Lundergan Grimes, Kentucky's Secretary of State, who has been raising money for quite a while.  This may not be a probable victory, but it is a possible one, and is a race that could divert Republican resources, in the same sense as the "better-not-lose" ones described above:  the Republicans can not afford to lose this seat.

So, for my money, the key races are: NC, MT, KY, GA, and LA.  The Democrats need to win two of these five races to hold the Senate. I will also give some money to my home-state Senator, Tom Udall, because he's great.  I don't think I will be giving to the national campaign committee, the DSCC, for the reasons explained above.

Second Ring:  Governors' Races
The picture for the Democrats with regard to the gubernatorial races is like that for the Republicans in the Senate, but reversed:  lots of targets of opportunity to attack.  The Republicans have a large advantage in state governments, much of it won in the 2010 elections. Whether by design or accident, it provides a counter to the Federal power structure:  one party wins the Presidency, the other tends to gain in the states two years later.  This trend went further than usual in 2010, with important results for House redistricting, but now the pendulum could swing back somewhat.  The point for the Democrats is not the raw number of statehouses that it regains:  there is no payoff in Congress, or even in the Presidential elections coming up in 2016, for the number of states controlled.  Instead, the payoff will be in winning specific strategic elections, turning the trend of statewide control and bringing benefit to the residents of some of those states.

A good example of what's in play is the additional Medicaid assistance available through Obamacare (a/k/a the ACA) which the Supreme Court ruled the states would not have to accept.  With the aim of frustrating the success of the ACA, some 20 states, ones with both the legislature and governorship controlled by Republicans, have opted out, thus depriving poor people in their states of healthcare assistance.  It is hard to theorize any benefit these state governments have achieved for their constituents with this posture (killing off their poor, maybe?), though the political motivations are all too apparent.  In 2014, the Democrats will seek to counter the perceived disadvantage of the ACA's implementation headaches with an attack on those governors and legislatures responsible for this policy.

Number one on the hit list is Rick Scott of Florida, the former for-profit hospital executive who won a narrow victory over Sink in 2010, spending some $70 million of his money, and has governed predictably, continuing to favor some of his healthcare friends and serving as a rallying point for the movement to refuse Medicaid in the states. His opponent in the general election will likely be former Gov. Charlie Crist, who served as Governor as a Republican, ran unsuccessfully as an independent for the Senate in 2010 (splitting the moderate vote, which allowed  Marco Rubio to win the seat), but who has now joined the Democrats.  In this case, we should be happy to support the turncoat's efforts, and we should expect a large portion of national contributions (for example, through the Democratic Governors' Association, which has been active in its fundraising efforts) will be funneled to him.  So far, Crist leads in the polls, but Scott is a dangerous and deep-pocketed opponent and we should take nothing for granted in this critical race .

The second-most important target in governors' races would be Pennsylvania, a state that tends Democratic but that tendency is fragile, depending on turnout in the cities of Philadelphia and Pittsburgh.  The incumbent Tom Corbett has low approval ratings, while the Democrats are expected to run a good candidate, Rep. Allyson Schwartz, and regaining control of Harrisburg would be important for future national elections (for example, preventing future attempts to make voting more difficult).

Then there are a few states among the many governors who took office in the wave of 2010, in which the Democrats may have a chance to knock off one or more of the Republicans' aspirants to the national stage. Two big targets are Scott Walker of Wisconsin and John Kasich of Ohio; on the next level would be Suzanna Martinez in New Mexico and Rick Snyder in Michigan.  All these states went for Obama in 2012, but these governors have largely sustained levels of popularity which will make dislodging them a challenge.

The last big target is Texas:  Rick Perry is leaving the governors' office after 3+ terms (he succeeded to the office when George W. Bush moved to the White House in 2001), and the Republicans have identified Greg Abbott as the designated heir to the statehouse in Austin.  Standing in the way is Wendy Davis, the state legislator who gained fame last year through a one-woman filibuster in an unsuccessful effort to block a restrictive anti-abortion law.  Davis' hope is that she can add a greater number of women to support the 40-45% which Democratic coalitions have been getting in the state for the last 20 years or so and finally put the Democrats over the top in a statewide election.  Clearly, hers is a difficult task but one that could mark a breakthrough in the partisan stalemate if she were to succeed.

The Republicans have a big-state target of their own in my sometime home state, Illinois.  People of all parties and political persuasion seem united in their view that the state takes too much money and doesn't spend it well.  The problem with the governor of IL--this one, the last two went to jail--appears to be ineffectiveness, not corruption or foreign political beliefs.  Governor Pat Quinn has managed to fend off possible primary challengers, but several Republican candidates are practically falling over each other to get the opportunity to take him on.

Third Ring: The House  
Unfortunately, in this contest there seems to be less than meets the eye at first glance.  The Democrats need to gain 17 seats to gain control of the House, about 4% (the Republicans need to gain 6% to get control of the Senate).  Despite the well-understood lack of legislative effectiveness from the Republican-led House, and the intensely low popularity levels of Congress, there remains the problem of  identifying 17 House districts seats with voting demographics and candidates suited for Democratic gains.

In fact, despite the Democrats' being in the minority, there seem to be as many seats that are suited for Republican pickups as for Democratic ones.  The nonpartisan U. of Virginia Center for Politics--I'd describe it as middle-of-the-road, low-risk in its previews of possible office turnover--has in its current ratings a grand total of two seats likely or leaning to change to the Democrats (Sink's race is one), and an equal number likely to change to the Republicans.  When you throw in the six races rated "toss-up" currently held by the Democrats, and the six with the same rating held by the Republicans, you don't even get to 17 seats likely to change party in either direction.  The current generic polls ("would you vote for the Republican or Democratic candidate in your House district") are basically a dead heat; the Democrats need a shift of 3-5% in their favor to move from what is basically a no-trend situation.

I'm getting fund-raising appeals from dozens of Congressional candidates all over the country.  They are all upbeat, timely, and persuasive.  Half of the candidates are completely unfamiliar to me.  I'm going to hold off until I know more about the races that are viewed as highly competitive, or important, or both.  I may even end up trusting the central House campaign committee (headed by Debbie Wasserman Schultz) to make the decisions about where the money should go.

There is one common thread in all three rings:  the Democrats' fates depend on their ability to get voters to turn out.  In these mid-cycle elections, turnout drops sharply, but usually more for the Democratic voters than for Republican ones.  The long-term demographic advantages of the Democrats--better shares among young people and minorities--become a relative liability in the midyear elections. So, that is one more reason to keep our expectations at reasonable levels.


*Thus, not counting the usual non-profit/charity groups, or those who are developing warchest funds for 2016 elections.  Neither am I counting the constant appeals, coupled with topical commentary, from the Obama fundraising organization, OFA:  It used to mean Obama for America--or, as I think to myself in my most malicious moments "the ofay organization"--it now means "organizing for america".)
ofay--Kiddies, if it's unfamiliar, ask your parents if they've heard this one:  it's an old-fashioned derogatory term that was used by some segments of the African-American population to refer to white people.  Its etymology as being Pig Latin for "foe" is dismissed by the online dictionaries, but I've never heard any other. 

Saturday, March 01, 2014

Europa 2014: Pt. 1

The lead for my planned post on European events in 2014 has been pre-empted by the crisis in the Ukraine. What does Ukraine have to do with Europe, you may ask?  Well, actually, a lot.   Aside from being physically part of what is generally considered the European continent (Europe's Eastern border is fuzzy but is generally considered to be the Ural Mountains, several hundred miles east of Ukraine's eastern border),Ukraine borders on current European Union members Poland, Slovakia, Hungary, and Romania.

The current dispute developed as the re-emergence of an internal struggle for power between the pro-Russian and pro-European forces within the Ukraine.  The first climax of this battle occurred in the so-called Orange Revolution of 2004-5 (called so because of Agent Orange, the dioxin-based chemical with which the pro-European candidate Viktor Yushchenko was poisoned, but not killed).  Protests overthrew the rigged election and Yushchenko won the rematch. The balance tipped in the other direction, though, and Yushchenko and his one-time ally Julia Timyoshenko fell from power.  The other V.Y. of the 2005 election, the pro-Russian Viktor Yanukovich, won back the Presidency in 2010, Timyoshenko was imprisoned and Yushchenko marginalized.

Yanukovich negotiated with both the EU, who offered aid and a path toward eventual associate membership, and Russia, which offered debt relief and natural gas.  It should come as no surprise that Yanukovich took Russian President Putin's best offer last fall, but the Ukrainian-speaking portion of the population (a narrow majority) took umbrage and began a continuous protest demonstration in Kiev, the capital.  The demonstrators were led by Vitaly Klitschko, the former heavyweight boxing champion and one of the truly outstanding figures of the current era:  Klitschko was probably the greatest heavyweight of the last 20 years--his only true rival was his brother, Wladimir, who's now the champ--he has a Ph.D. (the only boxing champion with that credential), and has acted thoroughly responsibly throughout the crisis.  I would say it is a high probability that  he will emerge from this crisis--assuming Ukraine retains its sovereignty--as the future leader of the country.

In the meantime, though, the demonstrations began to get violent, people began to get killed, and both sides took up arms in the capital.  Yanukovich turned loose snipers who killed several dozen one day in an attempt to suppress his opponents, but it did the opposite.  The people in Kiev rose up as one, chased Yanukovich's people out of town and into hiding, and put him on the run.  The Ukrainian Parliament voted unanimously to strip Yanukovich of his position, there was discussion of trying him for crimes against humanity, and an interim government was set up.

In the aftermath of the coup,  there was peace in Kiev, but an unstable security situation in the Eastern provinces, which are predominantly, or overwhelmingly, Russian-speaking. Both sides were calling the other fascists and other names.  There was a faction there calling for splitting the country and reuniting the Russian part with Putin's country, but most were not going that far.  Yanukovich made noises from Moscow, then started coming closer to the theater of action; the Russians announced military maneuvers on the Ukrainian border.

Crimea
Then things really heated up, with pro-Russian paratroopers appearing overnight and taking up positions to control both airports on the peninsula of Crimea.  Crimea is the weak spot in the argument for Ukrainian sovereignty:  the Russians have a legitimate lease for its navy to use the Crimean port of Sevastopol for decades to come. Timyoshenko has made noises in the past about revoking the lease--this and recent developments have made the Russians nervous.  Crimea is also overwhelmingly Russian, and its being a part of the Ukraine is an artifact: a gift made from the Russian Soviet Republic to the Ukrainian one back when Nikita Khrushchev (a Ukrainian) was the dictator of the USSR, something that was never reversed, survived the breakup of the Soviet Union, but now looks like a mistake.

Some things seem to stay the same,  beyond the bounds of time.  Crimea was the site of a two-year war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire (Turkey) from 1854-1856, with the French and British backing up the latter, over Russian access to warm water ports. *    Ukraine was part Austria-Hungary, part Russia then--there was no Ukraine.  I leave it to you to look up the history; preferably one that looks beyond just the British involvement.  I will point out that the famous suicidal charge of the Light Brigade, immortalized by the English poet Lord Tennyson, was in Balaclava, which is the English word for the face masks worn by the Russian paratroopers this week.




Yes, the Russian ones.  The Russian Parliament has given its backing to Russia's use of its military to defend its interests in Ukraine (after the fact).  It is an aggression, probably modeled after the one in the former Soviet state of Georgia a couple of years ago when that country did not behave like one should within the Russian sphere of influence.  As with Georgia, Russia has some legitimate claim to interest itself, though it has gone beyond that in its de facto takeover of the peninsula.  Putin seems to be developing something of a Monroe-like Doctrine in asserting some right to interfere in the affairs of ex-Soviet republics (though Russia has let go completely of the Baltic Republics, for which the Soviets' claim was always suspect; the three Baltic states have already joined the EU).  The US had the advantage of being the only power in the hemisphere when Monroe issued his, though, and in this case the EU is the counterforce in the neighborhood. The EU is acting in a coordinated fashion, and this episode may prove that the EU can successfully conduct a meaningful foreign policy. This is not a UN thing; though the Security Council may discuss it, heatedly, no resolution would ever get past a Russian veto.

The Ukrainians are tolerating the Russian presence in Crimea, so far, but will clearly look to draw the line there; they have ordered a general mobilization and look prepared to fight the Russians if necessary.The US has been a bit of a provocative influence, openly helping the pro-European side.  I have seen more than a few nuts on the Internet talking about this sparking WWIII (and Obama handled one such person who sought to heckle his speech today).  Those folks are so passionate in their opposition they wish for the worst, just because it will make Obama look bad.  There is a real risk of US-Russian relations re-freezing into something like a new Cold War,  if the Russians do not stop at Crimea, though I think they will.   I presume that Yanukovich and his band mean nothing to Putin, and he would only lift a finger to help them if it's purely in his own interest. I could see the possibility of a referendum in Crimea, which would probably go the Russians' way, so they can probably get what is most important to them without further aggression, and there might even be a couple of other provinces that need to reconcile their Russian majorities to continued presence in the Ukrainian state. Meanwhile, the US should back off, except to offer natural gas (liquefied, in this case) at a decent price, so that the Ukrainians are less subject to Russian extortionist terms.

Speaking of Splitting Up Countries...  
After the tumultuous series of events in the late Eighties and early Nineties which started with the Berlin Wall's fall and ended with the settlement of the conflict in Bosnia, Europe experienced a period of relative peace and stability of borders.  As with Africa, it's generally considered to be better to let the borders be, even if they aren't sound from the point of view of politics, culture, or language, rather than open up Pandora's Box.  In that regard, the splitting of Sudan and the creation of South Sudan in 2011 might signal a new round of shifting borders, with Crimea being the next.

There are more possible adjustments on the horizon.  Most notably, the Scottish have a referendum this September on separation from Great Britain.  Conservative British Prime Minister David Cameron promised them the referendum in the last electoral campaign in 2010, and now that promise has come due. It is perhaps surprising that the drive for independence (after some 400 years of union) is so strong, but the British parties are all pleading to the Scots to stay around (Labour and the Liberal Democrats would lose significant ground nationally without them, while the Conservatives would be the goats, reviled through history for giving up Scotland)--and there is some threat about taking away their access to the British pound (of which they are very proud and fond).  I think this is a good time for the Scottish nationalists to make a deal with the British, but they seem very stubborn about wanting their vote--which I think will fail in the end if it comes to that.

Then there is Catalonia--the Catalonians have been making noises about a referendum (the planning is for 2015) on splitting away from Spain, and there is currently a pro-independence majority in the Catalonian regional government.  This does not mean that Catalonia is about to become a separate nation, though. The Spanish central government has said that it would not allow such a referendum, and it is not clear it would have a chance of passing.  Most likely, Catalonia would be more than happy with an expanded degree of autonomy such as the Spanish Basques got--and appear to be more than happy with, after all that bombing and rebellion and such.


* I should acknowledge the article of my neighbor, the Corriere della Sera (their offices on via Solferino are about three blocks from my current home), which pointed out that the nascent Italian Kingdom under Count Cavour of Savoy also sent several thousand troops to the Crimean War during the tail end, which earned it a spot at the negotiating table and some prestige for their ongoing attempts at making a nation (English translation on the link is automatic, but weak). 

Thursday, February 27, 2014

A Minimum of Labor Could Determine a Minimum Wage

I have seen a whole lot of news articles (and solicitations for political contributions) about the proposal to raise the minimum wage.  Most refer to the idea of $10.10 as the new proposed figure (up from $7.25). This new "magic number" is kicked around by both sides, each claiming its side of the argument:  one says this will lift people from poverty, the other that it will cause loss of jobs.   The Congressional Budget Office recently weighed in, saying both statements are true:  their estimate was that 500,000 jobs would be lost, though some 16 million would have their standard of living improved significantly.  This assessment was criticized as being biased toward the right wing viewpoint, and Orange House Speaker Boehner was quoted  reaffirming an old statement that he would prefer suicide to putting a clean minimum wage bill on the floor.

This debate has taken a ridiculous turn, and mostly because of the all-or-nothing nature of the rise from $7.25 to $10.10.  "Take Small Steps" was the sage advice of the Jodie Foster character's dead father to her in the Carl Sagan-authored sci-fi epic "Contact", and this would be where I would start the debate.  Where did this $10.10 come from, anyway?

I'm guessing it is a calculation of the minimum wage which would be necessary to bring a family of X (three, maybe?) just above the poverty line for the median US cost of living given a annual level of 2000 paid hours. Either that, or it is a stunted rendering of a number selected for its sonorous qualities, two-thirds of a Herman Cain-type "nine-nine-nine" (nein?) random number generation.  Why not $10.00, which is at least a round number (in base 10, anyway)?   President Obama tried to round down and get support in his State of the Union address with a proposal to raise it to $9.00, which is the (only) other figure which the CBO analyzed.

What is missing from the CBO analysis is a simple graph with two axes showing the number of jobs lost, and the increased consumption resulting from increments in the minimum wage--these are both continuous functions, which CBO must have had some method of calculating in order to come up with these estimates. Someone intelligent should take a close look at this hypothetical graph and determine the optimal level--which would likely occur at an inflection points in one of the curves (neither of which should be linear)--that maximizes increased consumption for a given amount of job losses. It wouldn't take that long to figure out; then there would be a really strong argument for a bipartisan change in the figure (I am certain that $7.25 is too low, though).

Of course, there would be arguments against:  government interference blah, and states rights blah-blah (actually, a little more sound objection; there are differences in the economies among them, and there should be differences in the defined poverty level), employer discomfort blah-blah-blah.   Then there is the fact that the job losses and changes will not happen overnight, and that the making a fixed minimum wage for an indefinite period is putting a stake in the ground in the midst of a dynamic terrain.  The best program would be to make a smaller change now--perhaps about the amount President Obama suggested, though not the same amount (so that Republicans could not be accused of supporting one of his proposals--heavens, no!)--with a scheduled review and additional adjustment in 18 months or so (just before the general election campaign starts).  It should not actually be a political poison pill for anyone, but clearly 500,000 lost jobs is a tough one to swallow at this sensitive point in time.

Tips for Healthcare? 
I saw a reference to an interesting proposal the other day; I believe it was in Los Angeles.  The idea would be that 3% would be added to the bills of restaurants there and the funds would be applied directly toward payment for healthcare for the staff of the restaurants.  

I like this idea, in principle.  There is a fundamental problem in the healthcare system today for those workers (full- and part-time) for whom employers do not contribute anything toward their insurance, and restaurant workers, in general, are certainly among those.  3% is not such a high tax to pay for the benefit of those who are serving those diners.  The only problem would be if that money ends up being subtracted from the tips the staff receives:  far too many of them are mostly or completely dependent on the tips, being exempted from minimum wage requirements.  Americans are well-known to be the most generous in the world with the tips they habitually give; it would be a bit of a shame if those habits eroded, but less so if diners knew that their wait staff were guaranteed a decent wage and healthcare.



Wednesday, February 26, 2014

The Winter Games

So, the Sochi games are over.  After a bit of a rocky start, the Russian team came on very strong, and President Putin left with something resembling a smile on his face.  Apart from the pairs figure skating, which has belonged to the Russians, and before that the Soviets, almost uninterruptedly for decades, the two big wins were the women's figure skating gold (more on that later) and the medal sweep in the classic 50-km cross country race today, the equivalent of the Summer Olympics' marathon. I would say those two victories more than made up for the shortcomings of the Russian hockey team, as the closing ceremony more than made up for the opening ceremony's faults. Like the closing ceremony in London for 2012 showed for Britain, the Russians have more than enough cultural content to fill a closing ceremony and remind us that they still have a lot to offer the world.  I guess that's worth $9 billion, or whatever it cost .

Before I move on from Russia, though, I need to carp on some things:  The first point is that, though Russia is at the top of the dreaded medals table, that was in part due to the fact that it has been a home for expatriates who wish to transfer their nationality for sporting reasons--and, in one very important case, for reasons of love.  If Vic Wild, the double gold-medaled snowboarder, had performed for his home country, the US and Russia would have tied for gold medals (one would presume that he would have still won his thrilling semifinal comeback in the parallel race by .05 seconds or whatever if he was wearing the US uni). That's not a default, or a whine, but simply to point out that the nationalism aspect is a bit more fluid than those there, or here, or anywhere else may think. The second is that Russia has until 2018 to get its act together politically before it hosts a real event on a national basis--I saw it mentioned nowhere, but it will be hosting the 2018 World cup (of soccer, y'know).  This is not the kind of event that you can bottle up in  remote seaside and mountainside villages; it's something like 10 locales all over the country with millions of people traveling all over.  The police-state mentality won't work, and they better get their racial/gender tolerance thing together before then.  Then, there is the fact that during the Games, something close to a Soviet-style repression of demonstrators, followed by a popular coup d'etat, occurred not so far away in Ukraine; on the one hand it's positive for the participants that the violence didn't spill over; on the other, the repressive hand of the modern Kremlin was evident in both Sochi and indirectly through its sponsored leader in the Ukraine, the exiled ex-President Yanukovich.

Rant about Locales
The awarding of the 2018 World Cup to Russia, and the 2018 Winter Olympics to South Korea, and the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Summer Olympics to Brazil, and, for Pete's sake, the 2022 World Cup to Dubai, along with the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, all indicate a problem that has really not been well thought through.  These locales are ones that are not safe, are not ready for world sporting events, are poorly chosen.  I can just see North Korea holding the world hostage with an invented crisis in 2018, riots in Brazil for one or both events, people dying of the heat in Dubai, etc.  Not to mention the cost--Dubai can afford it, Russia can probably afford it, maybe Brazil can afford it (jury's still out), but it's an awful wasteful way to develop a country's infrastructure and brag to the rest of the world.  I prefer the World's Fair approach (Milano in 2015, story for another post), and I think the search for new, exciting places to have these world sporting events needs to cool it.  And in the case of Sochi, and I can imagine it will also be the case in Yeongchang, Korea, they need to cool it a lot (it was not nearly cold enough for the outdoor events at Sochi, and Korea's altitudes are too low for Alpine skiing).

Although I have a very firm view of where the Summer Olympics should be held (Athens), and I would argue the World Cup final should always be in Wembley Stadium in London (the soccer equivalent of Athens) after a global, neutral-site elimination tournament, I'm not such a know-it-all about the desired location of the Winter games.

Best idea that I can come up with is to follow the principle above and have the games return to their roots, but that means splitting them up. Basically the event has four main divisions:  the Alpine skiing, the Nordic events (biathlon, cross-country, ski jumping), the "classic" specialty sports (luge, bobsled, hockey, curling, and figure and long-track speed skating), and the X-games stuff (snowboard, freestyle, moguls, halfpipe, slopestyle, whatever, along with the odious short-track skating).   The interest level is not so broad for most nations; there is very little overlap of the nations which dominate in these four groups.  For example, the Russians won nothing in Alpine skiing, the Americans nothing in the Nordic, the Germans and the Dutch had their specialties (luge and speed skating), and some country--I guess--won curling.   I will give some credit to Norway, Austria, and Canada, which manage to show up for most of these categories, at least to some extent, and Italy's neighbor Slovenia, which garnered an outsized share of medals for its size and competed well in many categories. My proposal would be to hunker the Nordic events down in some neutral Nordic location (Finland?), the Alpine events in Innsbruck or St. Moritz, speed skating in Holland (of course), and the others can be spread around existing venues (whichever European nation has the best); the new-fangled stuff should be in the New World, somewhere out West. (I would keep those, because they expand the global interest:  it gives Australia, New Zealand, etc. a reason to show up--not to mention it being a huge sop for the US audience--without them where would the US get its share of medals?   Yes, I knew we did pretty well in Alpine skiing this year...)

Watching Them Abroad
This is the second time that I have watched an Olympic session outside the US, and, once again, I found the viewing attraction and entertainment increased.  The first was watching the 2000 Summer games held in Sydney while I was in Britain, and there were a lot of similarities in the experience.

I note first that the emphasis on the sports presented is very different, and the diversity of them is greater. Imagine 30-km relay cross-country shown live on the principal TV channel:  you might not think that a great idea (and maybe it isn't, from the perspective of the US ratings), but you should take it from me:  it was great to watch.  There is still emphasis on the performance of the TV channel's "home" competitors, but it isn't just possible-gold-or-don't-show (which is the NBC network criterion, whether they admit it or not).  The Italian performance in 2014, as with the UK's in 2000, had lots of just-missed-medal type performances.   As a matter of fact, the predominance of fourth-place finishes was heavily noted, with their ironic referrals to "medaglia di legno" ("wooden medal")--the Italians ended up with eight medals, of which two silver, and six bronze (no gold), and they made the best of it (though of course they wished for better).

One thing that seems to be the same in all the coverage--too much talking.  After an hour and a half of the climactic 50-km men's cross-country (solo) race, the commentators noted that 25 or so racers were still within range and that, for all their talking, no trends had yet become apparent, and they wondered what they had been talking about for 90 minutes.  At least there was an event to watch to accompany the incessant
talking, something superior to Bob Costas' face.  That event, plus music generated independently, would make a nice accompaniment to reading a magazine, cooking a meal, or playing with the kids.