As I write, 14 Tuesdays before Election Day 2026, the polls are about to close in Michigan for that important Democratic Senate primary. Recent polls still are showing Abdul El-Sayed with a lead of at least 10 points. One would think that with a leadlike that, the election will be called for him almost immediately, but I don't think that's true. For one thing, Haley Stevens may have the momentum at the close, and the vote for the black community in Detroit may be determinative, and its nature is unknown.
I have a rule not to take sides in Democratic primary elections not in my state, so I just want to say this: whoever wins the primary, better win. This seat is not one the anti-Trump movement can afford to lose. Allowing Republican Mike Rogers to win in the general election, a real possibility whichever of the two Democrats wins the nomination, would likely end any chance for a change of control through the election. It is very hard for the Democrats to get to 51 seats without Michigan's. It's the responsibility of the candidate who loses today to give full support to the winner; I've heard they are willing.
The Background
There is a lack of consistency between the popular electoral sentiment and the estimates of the resulting elections from the political think-tanks.* Their policy is to be very cautious on rating as probable losses by incumbents, a policy well-rewarded more often than not, and now with unlimited money?
This is not a normal year, though, with the support for the administration and its Republican Congress abysmally low, and the prospects, 14 weeks out, that things will not materially improve. The most that seems to be likely is an ongoing question whether the Fed will raise interest rates, the opposite of what Trump and his new Fed Chair Warsh were supposed to do. Regardless of whether he does or does not raise, or even if he lowers rates as Trump would like, this is a distraction with regard to the election, as is the likely positive but not convincing stock market situation. We can expect gas prices to ease downward but inflation to remain stickily high, in part because of the downstream effect of higher oil prices during the acute moments of the Iran war.
The Senate
If we look at the question from the Republican side, their strategy resembles what is called the "Prevent Defense" in American football, ahead but vulnerable. Looking to run out the clock and not give up the lead, which is three seats. They lose four or more, it will be lethal for Trump 2.0, as we should assume that kind of successful Democratic Senate gain correlates with the House results.
The Republicans will have few chances to go on offense to try to take one from the Democratic side: Michigan, and to a lesser extent New Hampshire and Wisconsin. Then there's Georgia, but the Republicans are on the defensive under the onslaught of Jon Ossoff, who's executing an excellent re-election campaign. For the GOP, it's all about defending this Trumpist regime. That is not easy to do, and Trump is not doing things that will help them to do that. You could say that the Republicans are fortunate in that many of the challenged Senate seats are not being defended by their incumbent, but that is no accident.
We start with North Carolina, where Roy Cooper is not running against Thom Tillis, who chose not to run. His opposition is not in good shape and Cooper is very good at winning elections in North Carolina. It still a state that tends slightly red, though, so his win is likely, but possibly close.
In Ohio, there is technically an incumbent, but the Republican in that seat was appointed to it, not elected. So, a weak opposition and a very good Democratic challenger, Sherrod Brown. I'd say slightly better than 50-50 that Brown wins.
Maine and Alaska are the two close races where the Republican candidate is seeking re-election, both states in the northern extreme corners look to be toss-ups, but the circumstances are very different. Maine Democrats successfully shed Graham Platner when he became untenable, and in Troy Jackson they have come up with a viable challenger who combines much of Platner's political policy with a more congenial local persona. Alaska has the best candidate the Democrats could find, Mary Peltola, who has proven able to win statewide, but she has an uphill battle in term of party support in what appears to be mostly a head-to-head matchup where the effect of Alaska's ranked-choice-voting is not so important. I would rate each slightly less that 50-50, but not necessarily correlated for those differing characteristics.
Flipping those four, and holding Michigan, etc. is the shortest route to success for Democrats, but there are many other possibilities, forcing the Republicans to play defense in many states. They have plenty of money, though. Leading the list of those opportunities described as "not-probable, but possible" is Texas. James Talarico's argument to the inevitable "Why this year, after so many disappointments there before?" question is referring to the previous high-water mark in recent times, Beto O'Rourke's 48% vs. Ted Cruz in 2018, and then adding that sentiment is worse for the Republicans, their candidate is somehow even worse, and the unspoken third point is that Talarico is a better candidate. No disrespect to Beto, but Talarico is a special rhetorical talent with a very interesting political platform that he can defend, and proven ability to raise large amounts of campaign funds. Against that is a powerful system that seeks to stack the results for Republicans.
There are several additional states, very red in Presidential contests, where the unpopularity of the government is leaving an opening for challenge, though not necessarily a Democratic challenger, and usually not an incumbent Republican. Iowa is the best shot for Democrats--a strong candidate (Josh Turek) against a Trumpist. Florida has an appointed Senator and is challenged by Alex Vindman, the original whistleblower in the case of the first Trump impeachment. Nebraska, Montana, and South Dakota feature independents making the challenge in place of a committed Democratic opponent.
Winning one out of all those (TX, IA, FL, NE, MT, SD) would be a bonus, helping to cover for the risk in Michigan and for John Fetterman, the PA Senator who's gone rogue and could be liable to go with the Republicans at any time. Given Fetterman, Democrats actually need to aim for 52 to have a majority that is truly functional.
The House of Representatives
Winning control of the House is the minimum requirement for Democrats in this election--falling short of that is not acceptable. Still, the Republicans have mined the field with their redistricting gambit, and, while Trump's policies are disastrous for Republican candidates, he will do his best to create chaos during the election and while votes are being counted.
It should not make a difference, if the public sentiment present now holds. Based on analysis of the "generic House vote" polls and its close relationship with the Presidential approval level (or disapproval, in this case), we could project a national lead of 6-8%, which would translate to a gain of 20-30 seats, taking into account the reduced number of seats designed to be competitive. Very much a maximal gain, under the circumstances.
But the real starting point for the Republicans is 227 seats, given the net of +5 that they managed with the gerrymandering battles. The resulting number is Republicans getting a number in the low 200's, while they would need 218 to keep control. It will take some time for Democrats to pass 218, probably a week, during which the Trump-driven rants will peak.
The prediction markets are giving Democrats about 80% chance of winning the House.+ In my view, that's a bit too high--I'd say more like 70-30.
Statehouses .
Although the Congressional contest is so enormously important, that does not mean we should ignore the significance of the contests in all the 50 states, among which there are 36 governor contests. Those gubernatorial elections are important in themselves, but they also have a huge effect on state legislatures, which will have to be the firewalls for additional gerrymandering attempts in the next two years. Successful governor candidates have a strong positive effect on candidates all the way down the ticket, and on the Federal contests, too. In particular, competitive races in Florida, Ohio, and Iowa could help the Democratic senatorial candidates' chances as underdogs. A strong Democratic candidate for governor in Michigan, Jocelyn Benson, might help the eventual Senate candidate get over the top, while a somewhat radical Democratic governor nominee in Wisconsin (Francesca Hong) might make Tammy Baldwin's re-election as Senator more difficult. Arizona does not have a Senate contest this year, but the political battle between Democratic incumbent Governor Hobbs and her team against a slate of extreme Trumpists will be a critical contest that may also affect a couple of the truly competitive House contests, of which there are so few nationally.
The Prediction Democrats will gain two governorships, three state legislatures, net gain of 12 House seats (225-210) and four Senate Seats (51-49), the Senate seats gained being NC, OH, ME, and TX. The Michigan Senate race will be the last to be called. Trump will be furious!
* Think Cook Political Report, Larry Sabato's shop at U of Va., Adam Silver's group or Real Clear Politics.
+ And about 40% chance for Democrats to win the Senate, a number that has come up 10% or more since the beginning of the year.



